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萨尔瓦多的历史

从古代到现代——塑造萨尔瓦多的历史时期、关键事件和叙述。

速度

Overview

Pedro de Alvarado, Spanish conqueror of El Salvador THE HISTORY OF EL SALVADOR revolves around one central issue-- land. In this, the smallest country in Central America, land always has been a scarce commodity whose importance has been amplified by the comparative absence of precious metals or lucrative mineral deposits. Agriculture defined the economic life of the country well before the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors in the early 1500s, and, despite some modest advances in industrial capacity, agriculture has continued to dominate the nation’s wealth, social structure, and political dynamics. The unequal distribution of land in El Salvador can be traced directly to the Spanish colonial system, under which land title was vested in the crown. Those select individuals granted control of specified areas acted, at least in theory, only as stewards over the lands and peoples under their control. Although private property rights eventually were established, the functional structure put in place by the Spanish was perpetuated well into the twentieth century by the landed oligarchy, with the assistance of the military. Although the indigenous, or Indian, population gradually was diminished through disease and abuse and eventually subsumed into a growing mestizo (mixed Caucasian and Indian) population, its position at the base of society was assumed by the rural lower class. Until the mid-twentieth century, the patterns of landownership and income distribution ran unrelentingly against this segment of the population. As elsewhere in Latin America, those with more got more, those with less got less. Under the model of monoculture export that came to prevail in El Salvador, the concentration of land into large units, or haciendas, made for greater overall efficiency of production. The other side of the economic coin, however, was engraved with images of worsening poverty, deprivation, illiteracy, and disease as the singleminded pursuit of wealth by a minuscule percentage of the population denied the vast majority of Salvadorans access to more than a subsistence level of income. Although slow to develop, the political ramifications of this process of skewed distribution were inevitable. Unfortunately for the marginalized campesinos (farmers or farm laborers), however, the landowners were prepared to protect their gains by force against any effort to improve the lot of the lower class. A rural uprising in 1833, led by Indian leader Anastasio Aquino, was put down by forces hired by the landowners. A century later, another insurrection, this time led by the Marxist Agustin Farabundo Marti, provoked a now-legendary reprisal known as la matanza (the massacre). The troops that carried out this action, in which by some estimates as many as 30,000 Salvadorans were killed, belonged to the Salvadoran armed forces. Institutionalized and nominally independent from the landed oligarchy, the armed forces proceeded from that point to assume control of the political process in El Salvador. The Salvadoran officer corps was not altogether unsympathetic to popular sentiment for reform of the oligarchic system. In the Salvadoran political equation, however, the economic elite’s resistance to change remained a given. Therefore, efforts by the military to institute gradual, guided reforms--land reform chief among them--repeatedly ran into the brick wall of elite opposition and influence. It was not until 1980, when the officer corps allied itself publicly with the middle-class Christian Democratic Party, that substantive reform appeared achievable. By that time, however, El Salvador stood on the threshold of a major civil conflict between government forces backed by the United States and guerrillas supported by Nicaragua, Cuba, and the Soviet Union. This conflict catapulted the country’s internal conflicts onto the world stage. The future course of reform in El Salvador was thus uncertain, as the nation entered the 1980s burdened with the legacies of economic and social inequality and political exclusion of the middle and lower classes by the elite.

历史时期

{country}历史主要时期一览

  1. 前哥伦布时期

    2000 公元前 – 1524

    萨尔瓦多领土曾被一系列中美洲民族居住,包括玛雅人和最为重要的皮皮尔人,一个讲纳瓦特尔语、继承托尔特克-阿兹特克传统的民族。这些农业社会在肥沃的火山山谷中种植玉米、可可和其他农作物。皮皮尔人建立了库兹卡特兰地区,在西班牙人接触该地区时,它形成了该领土的文化和政治中心。

  2. 西班牙征服与殖民时期

    1524 – 1821

    Pedro de Alvarado自1524年开始领导西班牙征服,到1540年原住民抵抗被彻底镇压,萨尔瓦多被纳入危地马拉总督辖区。殖民制度将土地所有权集中在王冠手中,农业财富集中在少数精英手中,为长期的社会不平等奠定了基础。原住民人口因疾病和强制劳动而急剧下降,逐渐形成了混血人占多数的人口结构。

  3. 独立与联邦时期

    1821 – 1840

    萨尔瓦多于1821年宣布从西班牙独立,并于1823年加入中美洲联合省,该联邦实验最终证明在政治上不稳定。自由派和保守派之间的长期对立,以及成员国之间的紧张关系导致联邦解体。萨尔瓦多于1840年成为完全主权的共和国,但政治不稳定和精英阶级的土地垄断现象仍然持续。

  4. 寡头共和国

    1840 – 1932

    十九世纪至二十世纪初,萨尔瓦多由一个地主寡头阶级统治,其财富最初源于靛蓝生产,后来主要依靠咖啡种植。大庄园的土地兼并使农村人口大量失地,引发了深刻的社会矛盾。1833年阿纳斯塔西奥·阿基诺领导的农民起义遭到暴力镇压,这预示了精英雇佣武装力量或国家力量镇压农民抗争的长期模式。

  5. 军事统治与大屠杀

    1932 – 1979

    1932年由阿古斯汀·法拉本多·马蒂领导的马克思主义启蒙农民起义遭到政府的残暴镇压——即"大屠杀"(la matanza)——造成约10,000至30,000名萨尔瓦多人丧生。这一事件使军队对国家的控制持续数十年,武装力量充当寡头权力的保证人,同时时而作出有限改革的姿态。1969年与洪都拉斯之间短暂但代价巨大的战争以及1970年代日益加剧的游击队活动预示了危机的深化。

  6. 内战与和平进程

    1979 – 1992

    1980年大主教奥斯卡·罗梅罗遭暗杀以及同年左翼法拉蒙多游击队阵线(FMLN)的成立标志着一场历时十二年、夺去约75000条生命的毁灭性内战的开始。这场冲突引发冷战列强的代理战争,美国支持政府军,而古巴、尼加拉瓜和苏联则支持FMLN。1992年1月联合国斡旋签署的和平协议结束了武装冲突,并要求进行全面的军事和民主改革。

  7. 民主现代时期

    1992 – 呈现

    战后时期,萨尔瓦多过渡到多党民主制,FMLN转变为合法政党并参加自由选举。2001年的经济改革和美元化,以及大规模移民美国带来的侨汇,重塑了萨尔瓦多社会。帮派暴力、贫困和不平等等持续挑战仍然影响着国家发展,2019年内义·布克莱上台总统职位标志着国家政治格局的剧烈变化。

时间线预览

前 7 个关键事件。在时间线页面查看完整年表。

  1. 1524

    西班牙冒险家佩德罗·德·阿尔瓦拉多征服萨尔瓦多。

    西班牙探险家佩德罗·德·阿尔瓦拉多征服萨尔瓦多。

  2. 1540

    土著抵抗遭到镇压,萨尔瓦多沦为西班牙殖民地。

    土著抵抗运动遭到镇压,萨尔瓦多沦为西班牙殖民地。

  3. 1823

    萨尔瓦多成为中美洲联合省的一部分。

    萨尔瓦多成为中美洲联合省的一部分,该联合省还包括哥斯达黎加、危地马拉、洪都拉斯和尼加拉瓜。

  4. 1840

    萨尔瓦多正式独立。

    随着中美洲联合省的解散,萨尔瓦多正式获得完全独立。

  5. 1969

    萨尔瓦多袭击洪都拉斯并与其爆发短暂战争

    萨尔瓦多因数千名萨尔瓦多非法移民遭洪都拉斯驱逐,随即对洪都拉斯发动攻击并爆发短暂战争。

  6. 1977

    耶稣会神父鲁蒂利奥·格兰德(S.J.)遭死亡小队暗杀。

    耶稣会神父鲁蒂利奥·格兰德(S.J.)遭死亡小队暗杀。

  7. 1977

    反政府游击活动加剧

    反政府游击活动加剧,同时有报告指出政府军队和死亡小队侵犯人权的行为日益增多;卡洛斯·罗梅罗将军当选总统。