Learning Objectives
By the end of this lesson, students will be able to:
- Account for how Reagan's defense buildup, the Strategic Defense Initiative announced in 1983, and the renewed confrontational rhetoric of the early 1980s reset the terms of late-Cold War superpower competition.
- Describe the Gorbachev reforms of glasnost and perestroika introduced after 1985, and explain why measures intended to revive the Soviet system instead accelerated its collapse.
- Trace the four Reagan-Gorbachev summits from Geneva in 1985 through Moscow in 1988, and explain the significance of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty signed at the Washington summit in 1987.
- Account for the chain of revolutions across Eastern Europe in 1989, including Solidarity in Poland, the fall of the Berlin Wall on November 9, the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, and the execution of Nicolae Ceausescu in Romania.
- Explain why the Soviet Union dissolved on December 26, 1991, and identify the major successor states that emerged, including Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, the Central Asian republics, and the Baltic states.
- Use Skill 1 (Identification and Explanation of Historical Concepts and Causation) to account for the Persian Gulf War of 1990 to 1991 as the first major test of post-Cold War American military power and the political setting for George H. W. Bush's New World Order rhetoric.
Key Concepts
When Ronald Reagan took the oath of office in January 1981, the Cold War had been the organizing fact of American foreign policy for thirty-five years. The detente of the 1970s had produced the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty and the Helsinki Accords, but it had also produced what conservatives saw as Soviet advances in Africa, Central America, and Afghanistan. Reagan rejected detente in favor of confrontation. His first-term defense budgets rose by roughly seven percent a year in real terms, the largest peacetime military buildup in American history. He named the Soviet Union an "evil empire" in a March 1983 speech to the National Association of Evangelicals, and two weeks later announced the Strategic Defense Initiative, a research program nicknamed Star Wars that promised a space-based shield against Soviet ballistic missiles. SDI did not produce a working system in the 1980s, and many physicists doubted it ever could, but the program forced Soviet planners to consider whether their nuclear deterrent might be neutralized and whether their economy could match a renewed American technological push (KC-9.3.I.A).
The Soviet system that received those pressures was not the system of 1945 or even of 1968. The command economy had stagnated through the late Brezhnev years, hard-currency revenue depended on oil prices that began falling in 1985, and the war in Afghanistan that had begun in 1979 was draining manpower and prestige. Three Soviet leaders died in close succession between 1982 and 1985, and in March 1985 the Politburo selected Mikhail Gorbachev, the youngest member of the leadership, as the new general secretary. Gorbachev introduced two reforms intended to revive the system. Glasnost, meaning openness, allowed open discussion of Soviet failures, eased press censorship, and exposed the abuses and inefficiencies that earlier leaders had concealed. Perestroika, meaning restructuring, attempted to inject limited market mechanisms into the centrally planned economy and to decentralize decision making across enterprises and republics. Gorbachev did not intend to dismantle the Soviet Union or its socialist system. He intended to save them. The reforms he introduced instead surfaced grievances that the system could not contain, weakened the central authority that had held the union together, and emboldened nationalist movements in the Baltic and other constituent republics (KC-9.3.I.A).
The new Soviet leader and the American president met four times. The first summit, in Geneva in November 1985, produced no agreement but established a working relationship that surprised both sides. The second, in Reykjavik in October 1986, came close to an agreement to eliminate all strategic nuclear weapons before stalling over Reagan's refusal to limit the Strategic Defense Initiative. The third, in Washington in December 1987, produced the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, the first arms-control agreement to eliminate an entire class of nuclear weapons. The treaty removed Soviet SS-20 missiles and American Pershing II missiles from Europe and established intrusive on-site verification procedures that became the template for later arms-control work. The fourth summit, in Moscow in May and June 1988, produced no major new treaty but allowed Reagan to walk through Red Square and to declare in answer to a reporter's question that he no longer considered the Soviet Union an evil empire. The arms-control track ran on after Reagan left office: George H. W. Bush and Gorbachev signed the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty in July 1991, deeply cutting both sides' strategic arsenals (KC-9.3.I.A).
While Soviet leaders were rethinking the relationship with the United States, the satellite communist regimes of Eastern Europe were collapsing one after another. Poland went first. The independent trade union Solidarity, founded in 1980 and driven underground after the imposition of martial law in 1981, returned to legal status in 1989 and won the partly free June elections in a landslide. By August, Tadeusz Mazowiecki had become the first non-communist prime minister in the bloc since 1948. Hungary opened its border with Austria in May, allowing East Germans on summer vacation to flee to the West. East Germany followed. After weeks of demonstrations in Leipzig and Dresden, an East German government spokesman announced on the evening of November 9, 1989 that travel restrictions would be eased; crowds at the Berlin checkpoints interpreted the announcement as the immediate opening of the border, and by midnight the Berlin Wall was no longer a barrier. Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution brought down the communist government in November and December and elected the playwright Vaclav Havel president. In Romania, the longtime dictator Nicolae Ceausescu and his wife Elena were arrested, tried, and executed on Christmas Day. Within six months the Iron Curtain that had divided Europe for forty years was gone, and Gorbachev had refused to send Soviet troops to prop up the failing regimes (KC-9.3.I.B).
The Soviet Union itself dissolved across 1990 and 1991. The Baltic republics of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia declared independence in March 1990. Other constituent republics followed across the next year. In August 1991, hardline Soviet officials launched a coup against Gorbachev and held him under house arrest at his vacation home in Crimea. Boris Yeltsin, the newly elected president of the Russian republic, climbed onto a tank outside the Russian parliament building in Moscow and rallied resistance; the coup collapsed within three days, but so did the Soviet center. Republic after republic declared independence across the autumn. On December 8, the leaders of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus met in a forest in Belarus and signed an agreement creating the Commonwealth of Independent States and declaring the Soviet Union dissolved. Gorbachev resigned on December 25, and the Soviet flag came down over the Kremlin on December 26, 1991. Fifteen independent states emerged: Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, the three Baltic republics, the South Caucasus republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, and the Central Asian Stans of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. The bipolar superpower competition that had organized international relations since 1945 ended without a direct military confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union (KC-9.3.I.B).
The end of the Cold War immediately raised the question of what would replace it. George H. W. Bush, who had succeeded Reagan in January 1989, used the phrase New World Order in a series of speeches across 1990 and 1991 to describe a more cooperative international system led by the United States and supported by United Nations institutions and the existing Atlantic alliance. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization, founded in 1949 to deter a Soviet invasion of Western Europe, did not dissolve with the threat that had created it. Instead it began the long process of post-Soviet expansion, eventually adding the former Warsaw Pact states of Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic in 1999 and the Baltic states and other Eastern European countries in 2004 and after. The expansion was a direct legacy of the 1989 to 1991 settlement, and it would shape later debates about the eastern boundary of the post-Cold War order (KC-9.3.I.C).
The first major test of post-Cold War American military power came almost immediately. On August 2, 1990, Iraqi forces under Saddam Hussein invaded the neighboring emirate of Kuwait, seizing its oil fields and threatening Saudi Arabia. The Bush administration assembled a coalition of more than thirty nations under United Nations authorization, an arrangement that would have been unthinkable during the bipolar competition. Soviet diplomats in their last months as a superpower supported the coalition rather than opposing it. The air campaign against Iraqi forces opened on January 16, 1991, and the ground campaign on February 24. Operation Desert Storm liberated Kuwait in roughly one hundred hours of ground combat, on the strength of precision-guided weapons, satellite reconnaissance, stealth aircraft, and overwhelming air power. The Persian Gulf War ended with American casualties in the low hundreds and Iraqi casualties estimated at tens of thousands. Bush chose not to march on Baghdad, calculating that occupation would shatter the coalition and produce a wider regional crisis. The war showcased post-Cold War American military hegemony and gave Bush the rhetorical opening to declare that a New World Order had begun, even as the long-term political settlement of the post-Soviet space and of the Middle East remained unresolved (KC-9.3.I.C, Theme WOR).
Primary Source Excerpts
The five sources below are drawn from the Unit 9 canonical primary-source library for Topic 9.3. Each is in the public domain and hosted by a federally affiliated repository or a major university archive. The first three sources mark the diplomatic arc of the Reagan-Gorbachev years; the last two open the post-Cold War order.
Ronald Reagan, Tear Down This Wall Speech, Brandenburg Gate, June 12, 1987
"We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control. Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures? … General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization, come here to this gate. Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate. Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall."
Reagan delivered the Brandenburg Gate speech on June 12, 1987, in front of the Berlin Wall, with the Brandenburg Gate behind him in the Soviet sector. The speech is the most theatrical moment of the late-Cold War diplomacy. It came six months before the signing of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in Washington and two and a half years before the Wall came down on November 9, 1989. The text turns the language of Gorbachev's reforms back on the Soviet leader, asking whether glasnost and perestroika were genuine and offering the Berlin Wall as the test. For an end-of-Cold-War lesson, the speech is the rhetorical pivot that links the Reagan defense buildup to the diplomacy of the second term.
Ronald Reagan, Remarks on East-West Relations at the Brandenburg Gate, June 12, 1987. Hosted by the Miller Center at the University of Virginia. View at Miller Center →Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, Signed December 8, 1987
The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty was the peak of late-Cold War arms control and the first agreement to eliminate an entire class of nuclear weapons. The treaty bound the United States and the Soviet Union to destroy all ground-launched ballistic and cruise missiles with ranges between five hundred and fifty-five hundred kilometers, removing the Soviet SS-20 and the American Pershing II from Europe. The accompanying verification protocol established intrusive on-site inspections and continuous monitoring of production facilities; those procedures became the template for the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty and for arms-control work into the post-Soviet years. For a CED Topic 9.3 lesson, the INF Treaty is the concrete deliverable of the Geneva-Reykjavik-Washington summit sequence.
Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles (INF Treaty), December 8, 1987. Public domain federal record. View at Avalon Project →George H. W. Bush, Address on the Fall of the Berlin Wall, November 9, 1989
"This is a great victory for our policy, but I'm not going to dance on the Wall. … The United States is following developments very closely. We will continue to take prudent steps. We have to remember that the basic differences between East and West remain. The fact remains that this is a very dynamic situation, and the situation will continue to evolve."
Bush met reporters in the Oval Office on the afternoon of November 9, 1989 as the first images of East and West Berliners climbing onto the Wall came in from Europe. His remarks were notably restrained. Bush had decided that the safest course was to avoid any rhetorical move that might trigger a Soviet hardline reaction or undercut Gorbachev's domestic position. Critics on the political right wanted a more triumphant statement, but the cautious response set the tone for the next two years of American diplomacy and helped keep the door open for the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty in 1991 and for the orderly dissolution of the Soviet Union at the end of that year. For a Period 9 lesson, the speech is the model of cold-eyed end-of-Cold-War statecraft, contrasting with the Reagan rhetoric of two years earlier.
George H. W. Bush, Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters on the Relaxation of East German Border Controls, November 9, 1989. Hosted by the Miller Center at the University of Virginia. View at Miller Center →Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START I), Signed July 31, 1991
START I was the deepest arms-control agreement of the Cold War, requiring both sides to reduce their deployed strategic warheads from roughly twelve thousand to six thousand and their delivery vehicles to no more than sixteen hundred. Bush and Gorbachev signed the treaty in Moscow on July 31, 1991, less than three weeks before the August coup against Gorbachev and five months before the Soviet Union dissolved. The treaty, ratified by the Senate in 1992, governed nuclear forces for the next fifteen years and reinforced the verification practices first established by the INF Treaty. For a Topic 9.3 lesson, START I closes the bilateral arms-control track that began at Geneva in 1985 and shows how late-Cold War diplomacy carried over into the new post-Soviet relationship between Washington and Moscow.
Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START I), July 31, 1991. Public domain federal record. View at Avalon Project →George H. W. Bush, Address on the Persian Gulf War, January 16, 1991
"As I report to you, air attacks are underway against military targets in Iraq. We are determined to knock out Saddam Hussein's nuclear bomb potential. We will also destroy his chemical weapons facilities. Much of Saddam's artillery and tanks will be destroyed. Our operations are designed to best protect the lives of all the coalition forces by targeting Saddam's vast military arsenal. … We have before us the opportunity to forge for ourselves and for future generations a new world order, a world where the rule of law, not the law of the jungle, governs the conduct of nations."
Bush addressed the nation from the Oval Office on the evening of January 16, 1991, hours after the air campaign against Iraqi forces in Kuwait had begun. The speech served two purposes. The narrow purpose was to explain the military operation and to reassure the public about coalition objectives. The broader purpose was to frame the Gulf War as the founding moment of a post-Cold War order in which a coalition of more than thirty nations, with United Nations authorization and Soviet acquiescence, would enforce the principle that one country could not annex another. The "new world order" phrase that Bush used in this and several adjacent speeches set the rhetorical frame for the next decade of American foreign policy. For a Period 9 lesson, the speech is the bookend opposite the Reagan defense buildup of 1981.
George H. W. Bush, Address to the Nation Announcing Allied Military Action in the Persian Gulf, January 16, 1991. Hosted by the Miller Center at the University of Virginia. View at Miller Center →Discussion Questions
- (Causation) Account for the relative weight of the Reagan defense buildup, the internal stagnation of the Soviet command economy, and the Gorbachev reforms in producing the end of the Cold War. Which of the three was the most decisive cause, and on what evidence do you base your answer?
- (Continuity and Change) Compare the Reagan rhetoric of the 1983 evil empire speech with the Reagan rhetoric of the 1988 Moscow summit. Identify one continuity and one significant shift, and account for what produced the shift.
- (Causation) Trace the causal chain from the Hungarian decision to open its border with Austria in May 1989 to the fall of the Berlin Wall on November 9. At which step in the chain do you think a different decision could have produced a different outcome, and why?
- (Comparison) Compare the August 1991 coup against Gorbachev with the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia in November and December 1989. What does the comparison reveal about the relative role of leadership, popular mobilization, and military restraint in the end of the communist order?
- (Causation) Account for why the United States and its coalition partners stopped at the liberation of Kuwait in February 1991 rather than continuing the Persian Gulf War to Baghdad. What does that decision reveal about the post-Cold War limits of American military power?
Classroom Activities
End-of-Cold-War Timeline
Working in pairs, students place ten events from the period between 1981 and 1991 on a single horizontal timeline. Required entries include the Strategic Defense Initiative announcement, the Reykjavik summit, the Brandenburg Gate speech, the INF Treaty, the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Velvet Revolution, the August 1991 coup, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and Operation Desert Storm. The class then debates which three events are the most consequential pivots and explains the choice.
Five Sources, One Decade
Distribute the five primary sources from this lesson and a five-row graphic organizer. Students complete a row for each source covering historical situation, point of view, intended audience, and the specific Cold War development the source illustrates. They finish by writing a one-paragraph claim that uses at least three of the sources to account for how the Cold War ended.
Reagan or Gorbachev?
Divide the class into two groups. Group A argues that Reagan's defense buildup, the Strategic Defense Initiative, and the renewed confrontational rhetoric of the early 1980s did the most to end the Cold War by exposing the limits of the Soviet command economy. Group B argues that Gorbachev's reforms of glasnost and perestroika, his refusal to use Soviet troops to prop up the Eastern European regimes in 1989, and his decision to allow the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 did the most. Each group cites at least three pieces of evidence; the class then votes on the more persuasive case.
New World Order Map Exercise
Distribute an outline map of Europe and Eurasia in 1992. Students label the fifteen successor states of the Soviet Union, the unified Germany, the four Visegrad states, and the boundaries of NATO at the moment of the dissolution. They then mark in a different color the post-1999 NATO expansion. The class debates whether the post-Cold War expansion of NATO was a natural consequence of the 1989 to 1991 settlement or a separate political choice with separate consequences.
Vocabulary
Standards Alignment
Draft alignment — pending educator review. AP USH codes correspond to the official College Board Course and Exam Description (Effective Fall 2023, Version 1). Statements below are paraphrased in the CountryReports voice; refer to the College Board's published CED for verbatim wording.
Theme
Historical Thinking Skill and Reasoning Process
Learning Objective
Key Concepts
AP Practice Questions
- (A) The treaty created the United Nations and committed the United States and the Soviet Union to a new system of collective security.
- (B) The treaty was the first arms-control agreement to eliminate an entire class of nuclear weapons and established intrusive on-site verification procedures that became the template for later arms-control work.
- (C) The treaty authorized the deployment of the Strategic Defense Initiative and required the Soviet Union to abandon all anti-ballistic-missile research.
- (D) The treaty ended the Vietnam War and required the withdrawal of all American military advisors from Southeast Asia.
- (E) The treaty incorporated the German Democratic Republic into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and dissolved the Warsaw Pact.
Correct: (B). The INF Treaty was the first arms-control agreement to eliminate an entire class of nuclear weapons, removing Soviet SS-20 and American Pershing II missiles from Europe and establishing intrusive on-site inspections that became the template for the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty and for arms-control work into the post-Soviet years (KC-9.3.I.A; LO 9.C; Skill 1.B).
- Identify ONE specific way the Reagan administration's foreign policy in its first term (1981 to 1985) differed from its foreign policy in its second term (1985 to 1989).
- Explain ONE specific way the collapse of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe in 1989 affected the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991.
- Explain ONE specific way the Persian Gulf War of 1990 to 1991 demonstrated the changed character of American military power in the post-Cold War world.
Scoring: 1 point for each part. Strong responses to part (a) contrast the first-term defense buildup, the 1983 evil empire speech, and the Strategic Defense Initiative announcement with the second-term arms-control diplomacy that produced the four Reagan-Gorbachev summits and the INF Treaty (KC-9.3.I.A). Part (b) responses might note that Gorbachev's refusal to use Soviet troops to prop up the failing Eastern European regimes in 1989 removed the strategic justification for the Soviet system, that the loss of the buffer zone weakened the Soviet center, or that the wave of independence declarations from Soviet republics across 1990 and 1991 followed the example of the Eastern European revolutions (KC-9.3.I.B). Part (c) responses might cite the assembly of a coalition of more than thirty nations under United Nations authorization, the use of precision-guided weapons and stealth aircraft, the speed of the ground campaign, or the contrast between the Gulf War and the long American engagement in Vietnam (KC-9.3.I.C; Theme WOR).
The full seven-document set for this DBQ lives in the Unit 9 practice exam packet (Document A: Reagan, Address to the National Association of Evangelicals, 1983; Document B: Reagan, Address Announcing the Strategic Defense Initiative, 1983; Document C: Reagan, Tear Down This Wall Speech, 1987; Document D: Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, 1987; Document E: Bush, Address on the Fall of the Berlin Wall, 1989; Document F: Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty, 1991; Document G: Bush, Address on the Persian Gulf War, 1991).
Scoring framework: 1 point thesis, 1 point contextualization, up to 4 points evidence (at least 3 documents used to support the argument, plus an outside-evidence point), 1 point sourcing (point of view, purpose, situation, audience for at least three documents), 1 point complexity. Maximum 7 points.
Scoring framework: 1 point thesis, 1 point contextualization, 2 points evidence (at least two pieces of specific historical evidence, one of which directly supports the argument), 1 point analysis using the Causation reasoning process, 1 point complexity. Maximum 6 points. Note that Period 9 prompts do not appear on the official AP US History long essay question; this stem is provided for classroom practice only.

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