Learning Objectives
By the end of this lesson, students will be able to:
- Account for the long-term effects of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 on the source countries and demographic profile of post-1980 immigration to the United States.
- Identify the principal sending regions of the 1990s and 2000s migration wave (Mexico, Central America, China, India, the Philippines, and Korea) and account for the doubling of the Latino population between 1990 and 2010.
- Account for the political debate over immigration from the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 through the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, the post-September 11 Department of Homeland Security reorganization of 2002, the DREAM Act proposals, and the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals executive action of 2012.
- Account for the internal migration patterns of the period: the continued rise of the Sun Belt (Florida, Texas, Arizona), the contraction of the Rust Belt, the partial reversal of the African American Great Migration, and the urban concentration of Native peoples.
- Use Skill 2.C (Sourcing and Situation) to explain how the historical situation of a Period 9 immigration document or statistical release shaped the way it framed migration, citizenship, or border security.
Key Concepts
The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, often called the Hart-Celler Act, replaced the national-origins quota system that had governed American immigration since 1924. The new framework prioritized family reunification and skilled labor and removed the quotas that had favored northern and western European arrivals. The full demographic effects took two decades to appear, and the migration wave that the College Board CED associates with the 1990s and 2000s is the long-term consequence of the 1965 law. By the 1990s, the largest sending countries were Mexico, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, China, India, the Philippines, the Dominican Republic, Vietnam, and Korea, an almost complete inversion of the European sending pattern that had defined American immigration before 1924 (KC-9.2.II.B).
The demographic results were dramatic. The Latino population reached thirty-five million in the Census 2000 enumeration and surpassed the African American population for the first time, doubling between 1990 and 2010 to reach more than fifty million people. The Asian American population grew at a comparable rate, with the Indian American population growing especially fast on the strength of the H-1B skilled-worker visa created by the Immigration Act of 1990. The foreign-born share of the population climbed from less than five percent in 1970 to more than thirteen percent by 2010, figures last seen during the immigration wave of the early twentieth century. The Census Bureau's projections, first published in the 2008 round of population estimates, anticipated that non-Hispanic white Americans would constitute less than half of the population by roughly 2045, the demographic projection that has shaped political and cultural debate ever since (KC-9.2.II.B).
The political debate over immigration moved through three distinct phases during Period 9. The first was the legalization-plus-enforcement compromise of the 1980s. The Immigration Reform and Control Act, signed by President Reagan on November 6, 1986, created two parallel tracks. It granted lawful status to roughly three million undocumented residents who had lived continuously in the United States since 1982, the largest legalization in American history, and it imposed civil and criminal penalties on employers who knowingly hired undocumented workers. The 1986 compromise was the model for every later legalization debate, but it was also widely judged to have failed at deterring future undocumented migration, and the political appetite for repeating it has never returned (KC-9.2.II.B).
The second phase was the enforcement-without-legalization turn of the 1990s and early 2000s. The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 expanded enforcement and removal authority, hardened the southwest border, and made deportation easier. After the September 11, 2001 attacks, the Homeland Security Act of 2002 abolished the Immigration and Naturalization Service and reorganized federal immigration enforcement inside the new Department of Homeland Security, placing visas, naturalization, and removal on a national-security footing. The DREAM Act, first proposed in 2001 to grant a conditional path to citizenship to undocumented residents who had arrived as children, has been introduced in nearly every Congress since but has never been enacted. President Obama responded with the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals executive action of 2012, which paused deportation and allowed work authorization for an estimated eight hundred thousand qualifying young people. The legal status of the DACA program remains contested in federal court (KC-9.2.II.B).
The third phase was the restrictionist turn of the 2010s. The Tea Party movement that emerged after the 2008 financial crisis pushed the Republican Party toward stricter border-enforcement positions, and the 2016 election produced an administration that ran on a border wall, a travel restriction on residents of seven majority-Muslim countries that the press called the Muslim ban (signed as Executive Order 13769 in January 2017 and revised twice before the Supreme Court upheld a third version in Trump v. Hawaii in 2018), and an end to the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program that the Supreme Court rejected on procedural grounds in Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of the University of California in 2020. Sanctuary cities, a label adopted by jurisdictions that limited their cooperation with federal immigration enforcement, became one of the central battlegrounds of the period. The political fight over immigration in the 2010s was a fight over the legacy of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986: whether the next major reform package would repeat the 1986 legalization-plus-enforcement bargain or break decisively with it (KC-9.2.II.B).
Internal migration ran alongside the international story. The Sun Belt continued to absorb the largest share of the country's population growth, with Florida, Texas, and Arizona posting the fastest expansion in the early twenty-first century. The Rust Belt of the Northeast and the upper Midwest continued to contract as manufacturing employment fell, and cities such as Detroit, Cleveland, and Buffalo lost a substantial share of their post-1945 populations. Suburbanization continued, with the share of Americans living in suburbs surpassing both rural and central-city shares for the first time. The African American Great Migration partly reversed during the 1990s and 2000s as middle-class African American families returned to the South, particularly to metropolitan Atlanta, Houston, Charlotte, and the Washington, D.C. region, in a movement scholars have called the New Great Migration. Native peoples remained the most rapidly urbanizing population in the country, with more than seventy percent of American Indians and Alaska Natives living off reservation by the 2010 Census, concentrated in cities such as Los Angeles, Phoenix, Tulsa, Anchorage, and the Twin Cities (KC-9.2.II.A).
The MIG theme on this topic ties together three stories the rest of Unit 9 develops. The international migration story sits next to the post-1980 economic transformation in Lesson 4: the same global supply chains that pulled American manufacturing offshore also pulled migrant labor in. The internal Sun Belt rise sits next to the conservative political ascendancy in Lesson 2: the demographic and electoral weight of Texas, Florida, and Arizona is one of the structural reasons the conservative coalition has remained competitive in national elections. And the political debate over citizenship sits next to the post-September 11 War on Terror story in Lesson 6: the Department of Homeland Security that runs immigration enforcement is the same agency that runs counterterrorism, and the post-2001 fusion of the two has shaped American immigration policy in ways the next three decades will continue to work out.
Primary Source Excerpts
A migration lesson works best when it samples sources that span both the legal framework and the demographic record. The five excerpts below capture the legalization compromise of 1986, the demographic snapshot of 2000, the constitutional protection of public education for undocumented children, the foreign-born population in 2010, and the restrictionist border-security executive order of 2017. Government documents and federal statistical releases are the safest classroom sources for this period because contemporary journalism and photography remain under copyright.
Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986
"In the case of an alien who has, in continuous unlawful residence since before January 1, 1982, the Attorney General shall adjust the status of the alien to that of an alien lawfully admitted for temporary residence ... It is unlawful for a person or other entity to hire, or to recruit or refer for a fee, for employment in the United States an alien knowing the alien is an unauthorized alien."
The Immigration Reform and Control Act, signed by President Reagan on November 6, 1986, was the major immigration legislation of the late twentieth century. The statute created two parallel tracks: a legalization program that adjusted the status of roughly three million undocumented residents who had lived continuously in the United States since January 1, 1982, and an employer-sanctions program that imposed civil and criminal penalties on employers who knowingly hired undocumented workers. The 1986 compromise was the template for every later immigration debate. Whether the next reform package will repeat its legalization-plus-enforcement bargain or break with it is the central political question of contemporary immigration policy.
U.S. Congress, Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, Public Law 99-603, 100 Stat. 3445 (November 6, 1986). Public domain federal statute. View at GovInfo →U.S. Census Bureau, The Hispanic Population: Census 2000 Brief, 2001
The Census Bureau's first major brief on the 2000 enumeration documented the demographic transformation that the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 had set in motion. The Hispanic population reached thirty-five million, a fifty-eight percent increase over the 1990 figure, and surpassed the African American population for the first time. Mexican Americans were the largest national-origin group, followed by Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and a rapidly growing Central American population. The brief is the demographic backbone of any lesson on Topic 9.5: it captures, in a single statistical release, the migration story that the rest of the lesson explains.
U.S. Census Bureau, The Hispanic Population: Census 2000 Brief, C2KBR/01-3 (May 2001). Public domain federal publication. View at Census Bureau →Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (1982)
"Whatever his status under the immigration laws, an alien is surely a 'person' in any ordinary sense of that term. ... Public education is not a 'right' granted to individuals by the Constitution. But neither is it merely some governmental 'benefit' indistinguishable from other forms of social welfare legislation. ... It is difficult to understand precisely what the State hopes to achieve by promoting the creation and perpetuation of a subclass of illiterates within our boundaries, surely adding to the problems and costs of unemployment, welfare, and crime."
In Plyler v. Doe, the Supreme Court held by a five-to-four vote that the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause prohibits states from denying free public elementary and secondary education to undocumented children. The case arose from a 1975 Texas law that had permitted school districts to bar undocumented students or charge them tuition. Plyler sits near the head of the Period 9 immigration story because it established a constitutional floor that limits how far state-level enforcement can go: undocumented children retain a federal constitutional right to a public-school education, no matter what the state legislature attempts. Every later policy battle over driver's licenses, in-state college tuition, and access to public benefits has run into the line that Plyler drew.
Supreme Court of the United States, Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (June 15, 1982). Public domain federal court opinion. View at Justia →U.S. Census Bureau, The Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2010, 2012
The Census Bureau's foreign-born report on the 2010 American Community Survey documented forty million foreign-born residents in the United States, a figure equal to roughly thirteen percent of the national population. Mexico was the largest single country of birth, followed by China, India, the Philippines, Vietnam, and El Salvador, an almost complete confirmation of the post-1965 sending pattern. The report is useful for the lesson because it pairs the political debate of the period with the underlying demographic record. Whatever the political fights over IRCA, sanctuary cities, and DACA, the Census numbers establish the scale of the migration the political system was attempting to govern.
U.S. Census Bureau, The Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2010, ACS-19 (May 2012). Public domain federal publication. View at Census Bureau →Executive Order 13767, Border Security and Immigration Enforcement Improvements, 2017
"It is the policy of the executive branch to: (a) secure the southern border of the United States through the immediate construction of a physical wall on the southern border, monitored and supported by adequate personnel so as to prevent illegal immigration, drug and human trafficking, and acts of terrorism; (b) detain individuals apprehended on suspicion of violating Federal or State law, including Federal immigration law, pending further proceedings regarding those violations; (c) expedite determinations of apprehended individuals' claims of eligibility to remain in the United States."
Executive Order 13767, signed by President Trump on January 25, 2017, directed the Department of Homeland Security to begin construction of a continuous physical wall along the southern border, expand detention capacity, hire additional Border Patrol agents, and end the practice of releasing apprehended migrants pending removal proceedings. The order is the central document of the restrictionist turn that defines the late phase of Period 9 immigration policy. It also marks a deliberate break with the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986: where IRCA paired enforcement with legalization, EO 13767 doubles down on enforcement and rejects the legalization side of the bargain. Read alongside the 1986 statute, the executive order shows how far the political center of gravity on immigration had moved in three decades.
Executive Order 13767, Border Security and Immigration Enforcement Improvements, 82 Fed. Reg. 8793 (January 30, 2017). Public domain federal document. View at GovInfo →Discussion Questions
- (Causation) Account for the gap between the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 and the demographic transformation that the College Board CED dates to the 1990s and 2000s. Why did the effects of the 1965 law take twenty years to surface, and what conditions in the sending countries and the United States accelerated migration after 1985?
- (Comparison) Compare the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 with the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996. Identify two policy continuities and two significant differences. Which set is more historically consequential, and on what grounds?
- (Causation) Account for the rise of the Sun Belt and the contraction of the Rust Belt during the 1990s and 2000s. How did air conditioning, federal defense and aerospace contracts, post-1945 highway construction, immigration from Mexico and Central America, and the relocation of manufacturing combine to redraw the demographic map of the United States?
- (Continuity and Change) The DREAM Act has been introduced in nearly every Congress since 2001 and has never been enacted, yet the population of undocumented residents who arrived as children has been protected, briefly, under DACA, and then contested in federal court. Account for what this pattern reveals about how the federal political system handles immigration questions.
- (Comparison) Compare the post-1986 enforcement regime that runs through the Immigration and Naturalization Service with the post-2002 enforcement regime that runs through the Department of Homeland Security. What does the September 11 fusion of immigration enforcement and counterterrorism reveal about the underlying logic of American immigration policy after 2001?
Classroom Activities
Sending-Country Map
Project a blank world map. Students place the top ten sending countries of the post-1965 immigration wave (Mexico, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, China, India, the Philippines, the Dominican Republic, Vietnam, and Korea) and color-code each by region. The class then compares the map with a similar map of the 1880-1924 immigration wave and writes a one-sentence claim about how the geography of American immigration has changed.
Three Statutes, One Question
Distribute excerpts from the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, and the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996. Students complete a three-column graphic organizer covering goals, mechanisms, and theory of immigration enforcement. They finish by writing a one-paragraph claim about which of the three statutes has had the largest long-term effect.
Sun Belt and Rust Belt
Divide the class into two groups. Group A argues that the Sun Belt's continued rise is the most consequential internal migration story of Period 9. Group B argues that the partial reversal of the African American Great Migration, the urban concentration of Native peoples, and continued suburbanization are jointly more significant. Each group cites at least three pieces of evidence; the class then votes on the more persuasive case.
The 2045 Projection
Distribute the Census Bureau projection that non-Hispanic white Americans will constitute less than half of the population by roughly 2045. Students discuss in small groups what the projection does and does not say (it does not predict any group becoming a majority, and it depends on assumptions about future immigration and intermarriage), and how the projection has shaped political and cultural debate since its first publication in 2008. The exercise builds Skill 2.C: explaining the situation of a primary source.
Vocabulary
Standards Alignment
Draft alignment — pending educator review. AP USH codes correspond to the official College Board Course and Exam Description (Effective Fall 2023, Version 1). Statements below are paraphrased in the CountryReports voice; refer to the College Board's published CED for verbatim wording.
Theme
Historical Thinking Skill and Reasoning Process
Learning Objective
Key Concepts (Topic 9.5)
AP Practice Questions
- (A) The reinstatement of the national-origins quota system that had been retired in 1965.
- (B) The legalization of roughly three million undocumented residents combined with new civil and criminal penalties on employers who knowingly hired undocumented workers.
- (C) The transfer of immigration enforcement from the Department of Justice to the new Department of Homeland Security.
- (D) The constitutional protection of public elementary and secondary education for undocumented children.
- (E) The creation of a conditional path to citizenship for undocumented residents who had arrived as children.
Correct: (B). The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, signed by President Reagan, paired a legalization program for residents who had lived continuously in the United States since 1982 with civil and criminal penalties on employers who knowingly hired undocumented workers (KC-9.2.II.B). The Department of Homeland Security reorganization (C) belongs to 2002, the public-school protection (D) belongs to Plyler v. Doe in 1982, and the conditional path for arrivals as children (E) describes the never-enacted DREAM Act and the executive Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals action of 2012 (LO 9.E; Skill 2.C).
- Identify ONE specific cause of the rapid growth of the Latino or Asian American population in the United States between 1990 and 2010.
- Explain ONE specific way the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 reshaped the federal approach to immigration enforcement.
- Explain ONE specific way the political debate over immigration after September 11, 2001 differed from the debate that had produced the 1986 statute.
Scoring: 1 point for each part. Strong responses to part (a) name a specific cause such as the family-reunification preference categories created by the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, the H-1B skilled-worker visa created by the Immigration Act of 1990, the civil wars and economic shocks in El Salvador and Guatemala during the 1980s, or the legalization-driven family-reunification chains that followed the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986. Part (b) responses might cite the legalization of roughly three million undocumented residents who had lived continuously in the United States since 1982, the new civil and criminal penalties on employers who knowingly hired undocumented workers, or the political compromise that paired legalization with enforcement. Part (c) responses might cite the post-September 11 reorganization of immigration enforcement under the Department of Homeland Security in 2002, the fusion of immigration enforcement with counterterrorism, or the shift toward enforcement-without-legalization that defines the period from 1996 forward (KC-9.2.II.B; LO 9.E).
The full seven-document set for this DBQ lives in the Unit 9 practice exam packet (Document A: Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986; Document B: Reagan, Statement on Signing IRCA, 1986; Document C: Census 2000 Hispanic Population Brief; Document D: Plyler v. Doe, 1982; Document E: Homeland Security Act of 2002 excerpts; Document F: Census Foreign-Born Population Report, 2010; Document G: Executive Order 13767, 2017).
Scoring framework: 1 point thesis, 1 point contextualization, up to 4 points evidence (at least 3 documents used to support the argument, plus an outside-evidence point), 1 point sourcing (point of view, purpose, situation, audience for at least three documents), 1 point complexity. Maximum 7 points.
Scoring framework: 1 point thesis, 1 point contextualization, 2 points evidence (at least two pieces of specific historical evidence, one of which directly supports the argument), 1 point analysis using the Causation reasoning process, 1 point complexity. Maximum 6 points. Note that Period 9 prompts do not appear on the official AP US History long essay question; this stem is provided for classroom practice only.

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