Learning Objectives
By the end of this lesson, students will be able to:
- Identify the four candidates of 1860, the parties they represented, and the position each took on slavery in the federal territories.
- Account for how Lincoln won the presidency with roughly 39.8 percent of the popular vote and a commanding electoral majority by sweeping the free states.
- Trace the order in which the seven Deep South states seceded between December 20, 1860, and February 1, 1861, and account for the formation of the Confederate States of America at Montgomery on February 4, 1861.
- Use the South Carolina Declaration of Causes to evaluate the role of slavery in the secession argument and to assess later claims that the war was about something other than slavery.
- Account for why the Crittenden Compromise failed, why Fort Sumter became a flashpoint, and how Lincoln's call for 75,000 troops moved Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina out of the Union and held Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri inside it.
Key Concepts
The election of 1860 ended the Second Party System the Compromise of 1850 had patched together, replaced it with a sectional alignment, and produced the immediate political cause of the Civil War (KC-5.2.II.D). The Democratic Party, which had been the only national party left after the collapse of the Whigs, split in two at its Charleston convention in April 1860 over a platform demand from Southern delegates that the federal government affirmatively protect slavery in any territory where popular sovereignty had not yet decided the question. Northern delegates refused; Southern delegates walked out. The Northern Democrats reconvened at Baltimore and nominated Stephen A. Douglas on a popular sovereignty platform that left the territorial question to settler vote. The Southern Democrats met separately at Richmond and nominated John C. Breckinridge, the sitting vice president, on a platform that demanded a federal slave code for the territories. A residual coalition of former Whigs and Know-Nothings constituted itself as the Constitutional Union Party, nominated John Bell of Tennessee, and adopted a platform whose only commitment was to "the Constitution, the Union, and the laws," a deliberate refusal to take any position on slavery. The Republican Party, holding its convention at Chicago, passed over the better-known William Seward and nominated Abraham Lincoln on a platform that opposed any extension of slavery into the federal territories while explicitly disclaiming any intention to interfere with slavery where it already existed (KC-5.2.II.C, KC-5.2.II.D).
The arithmetic of November 6, 1860, was sectional rather than national. Lincoln received roughly 1,866,000 popular votes, about 39.8 percent of the total cast. He carried every free state except New Jersey, which he split with Douglas, and he received almost no votes in the slave states; ten Southern states did not even place his name on the ballot. Yet because the free states held more population and more electoral votes than the slave states, Lincoln won 180 electoral votes against 72 for Breckinridge, 39 for Bell, and only 12 for Douglas, who had finished second in the popular vote. The result was a constitutional first: a president elected by an entirely Northern coalition and rejected by every state that would soon secede. White Southerners read the result as proof that the slaveholding South had been outvoted permanently and that the federal government would now be controlled by an antislavery party.
South Carolina moved first. A specially elected state convention met at Columbia and then at Charleston and on December 20, 1860, voted unanimously to dissolve the Union between the state and the United States. Four days later the convention adopted the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union, the most extensive secession document of the period. The Declaration cites Northern resistance to the Fugitive Slave Act, the rise of antislavery political parties, and the election of a president "whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery" as the central justifications for secession. It uses the words "slave," "slavery," or "slaveholding" more than eighty times. It does not cite the tariff. The Mississippi declaration of January 9, 1861, was even more direct, opening with the sentence that the state's position was thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery, the greatest material interest of the world. The Texas declaration of February 2 framed the cause in terms of preserving "the servitude of the African race" as a positive good. Whatever the participants in 1860 and 1861 thought of the long-term causes of the war, the contemporary documents that explain why secession happened in the precise winter of Lincoln's election make slavery the central reason on the public record.
Six more slave states followed South Carolina between January 9 and February 1, 1861: Mississippi (Jan 9), Florida (Jan 10), Alabama (Jan 11), Georgia (Jan 19), Louisiana (Jan 26), and Texas (Feb 1). Delegates from the seven seceded states convened at Montgomery, Alabama, on February 4 and within a week had drafted a provisional Confederate Constitution, organized a provisional Congress, and chosen Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, a former United States senator and secretary of war, as provisional president, with Alexander Stephens of Georgia as vice president. The Confederate States of America was sworn in on February 18 with Davis declaring that the new government would be devoted to "the cause of self-government" and the protection of property, by which he meant slavery. The Confederate Constitution copied long passages of the federal Constitution but inserted explicit protection for the right of property in slaves and forbade the Confederate Congress from passing any tariff intended to protect industry.
Inside the lame-duck session of the Thirty-Sixth Congress, Senator John J. Crittenden of Kentucky offered the Crittenden Compromise in December 1860 as a final attempt to hold the Union together. The proposal would have written six constitutional amendments to extend the Missouri Compromise line of 36 degrees 30 minutes north latitude to the Pacific, guaranteeing slavery south of the line and barring it north of the line; would have prohibited Congress from interfering with slavery in any state or in the District of Columbia; and would have made these guarantees unamendable. Lincoln, then president-elect, advised Republican senators to vote against any extension of slavery into new territory, on the ground that it was the platform on which the party had just won. The Senate Committee of Thirteen rejected the package on December 28, the full Senate defeated it on March 2, and the project of saving the Union by formally writing slavery's expansion into the Constitution collapsed. The Washington Peace Conference, convened in February by former president John Tyler and the legislatures of twenty-one states, produced a similar package and met the same fate.
The opening shot followed two months later. Major Robert Anderson and his small federal garrison had transferred from the indefensible Fort Moultrie on the mainland to Fort Sumter, a brick fortification on a sand bar in Charleston Harbor, on December 26, 1860. President Buchanan refused to surrender the fort but also refused to reinforce it. Lincoln, sworn in on March 4, 1861, decided to resupply the garrison with provisions only and notified the South Carolina governor in advance, putting the question of war squarely on the Confederacy. Confederate forces under General P. G. T. Beauregard opened fire on the fort at 4:30 in the morning of April 12, 1861; Anderson surrendered after thirty-four hours of bombardment with no fatalities on either side. On April 15, Lincoln issued a proclamation calling on the loyal states to provide 75,000 militia for ninety days to suppress the rebellion. The call for troops was the inflection point that converted a Deep South secession into a national war.
The four states of the Upper South — Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina — had thus far refused to secede. Virginia's convention had voted decisively against secession on April 4. Lincoln's troop call changed everything: rather than send militia to coerce sister slave states, the Upper South seceded in turn. Virginia on April 17, Arkansas on May 6, Tennessee by legislative resolution on May 6 (ratified by referendum on June 8), and North Carolina on May 20 brought the Confederate total to eleven states. The new Confederate capital moved from Montgomery to Richmond in May, placing it within a hundred miles of the federal capital and giving the war in the eastern theater its decisive geographic shape.
Four slave states stayed with the Union: Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, the so-called border states. Each held a smaller enslaved population as a share of total population than the Deep South, each was tied to the free-state economy by river and rail, and each contained a substantial Unionist political constituency. Lincoln expended significant political and military capital to keep them inside, including the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in Maryland to prevent the legislature from voting on secession, the dispatch of federal forces to control the Missouri arsenal at Saint Louis, and the careful neutrality offered to Kentucky until pro-Confederate forces violated it first. Holding the border states denied the Confederacy roughly 2.6 million additional people, the upper Ohio Valley, and the strategic approach to Washington, and it enabled Lincoln to argue throughout the war that the Union cause was not strictly sectional. The geography that the secession crisis produced — eleven Confederate states, four loyal slave states, the new state of West Virginia carved from Virginia in 1863, and twenty-one free states — would shape every campaign and every constitutional argument of the next four years.
The Four-Way Election
Each of the four candidates of 1860 represented a different answer to the question of slavery in the federal territories that the Compromise of 1850, Kansas-Nebraska, and Dred Scott had failed to settle.
Opposed any extension of slavery into the federal territories on free-labor and free-soil grounds; explicitly disclaimed any intention to interfere with slavery in states where it already existed; supported a protective tariff, a homestead act, and a transcontinental railroad.
Defended popular sovereignty: settlers in each territory should themselves vote on whether to permit slavery. Opposed both a federal slave code and a federal ban; campaigned in person across the South in the autumn of 1860 to argue against secession.
Demanded a federal slave code that would actively protect slavery in every federal territory regardless of settler preference; the platform of the Charleston convention walkout. Sitting vice president under James Buchanan at the time of his nomination.
Adopted no platform on slavery beyond a general commitment to "the Constitution, the Union, and the laws." A residual coalition of former Whigs and Know-Nothings whose deliberate ambiguity carried Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee but produced no national coalition.
Primary Source Excerpts
Five sources reconstruct the contest from Lincoln's New York coming-out address through the constitutional rupture and the Confederate counter-text.
Abraham Lincoln, Cooper Union Address
"Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the National Territories, and to overrun us here in these Free States?"
Lincoln's New York address, delivered to a packed audience of Republican leaders at the Cooper Union for the Advancement of Science and Art, was the speech that vaulted him to the Republican nomination three months later. He spent the first hour reconstructing the voting record of the thirty-nine signers of the Constitution to argue that a clear majority of the founders had treated federal authority over slavery in the territories as fully constitutional. He spent the second hour addressing Southerners directly, asking what concession would actually satisfy them and answering that nothing short of formal national approval of slavery would. The speech is the cleanest single statement of the Republican free-soil position and the closest thing the 1860 campaign produced to a national keynote.
Abraham Lincoln, Address at Cooper Institute, New York, February 27, 1860. Library of Congress digital ID: 12005413. View at Library of Congress →Election of 1860 Results Map
A glance at the map of the four-way 1860 result is the cleanest summary of the political crisis that produced the war. Lincoln's victory was geographically airtight in the free states and geographically null in the slave states; ten of the fifteen slave states did not place his name on the ballot at all. The Bell vote in the Upper South marked the states that would attempt to stay neutral after secession began and that would split (Virginia and Tennessee) when forced to choose. The Douglas vote was scattered enough to confirm that no national Democratic coalition could survive the territorial question. The map made the Confederate strategic problem visible at a glance: the South would have to win a war the demographic and electoral map said was unwinnable.
Election of 1860 results map. Library of Congress, digital ID: 2003674567. View at Library of Congress →South Carolina Declaration of Causes of Secession
"A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the States north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States, whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be entrusted with the administration of the common Government, because he has declared that that 'Government cannot endure permanently half slave, half free,' and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction."
South Carolina adopted its Declaration of Immediate Causes four days after the December 20, 1860, ordinance of secession. The text is the longest and most carefully reasoned secession document of the period. It cites Northern resistance to the Fugitive Slave Act, the rise of antislavery political parties, the election of a president "whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery," and the prospect that the federal government would no longer protect slavery as the central reasons for leaving the Union. It uses the words "slave," "slavery," or "slaveholding" more than eighty times. It does not cite the tariff. Read alongside Mississippi's January 9 declaration, which opens by stating that Mississippi's position was thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery, and Texas's February 2 declaration, the Declaration of Causes is the contemporary documentary record that anchors any honest account of why secession occurred when it did.
"Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union," December 24, 1860. Avalon Project, Yale Law School Lillian Goldman Law Library. View at the Avalon Project →Alexander H. Stephens, Cornerstone Speech
"Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth."
Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens delivered this speech at the Athenaeum in Savannah, Georgia, three weeks after the Confederate Constitution was adopted and three weeks before Fort Sumter. Stephens explicitly distinguished the Confederate project from the founding generation by repudiating Jefferson's claim that all men are created equal. He argued that the Confederate Constitution had corrected what he called the "fundamental error" of the United States Constitution by writing the inequality of the races into its foundations. The Cornerstone Speech is the closest thing the Confederate leadership produced to a public mission statement and is read against the South Carolina Declaration as the Confederate side of the contemporary documentary record on the question of why secession happened.
Alexander H. Stephens, "Cornerstone Speech," Savannah, Georgia, March 21, 1861. Library of Congress digital ID: 12005415. View at Library of Congress →Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address
"In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict, without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect and defend' it. I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies."
Delivered on the East Portico of the unfinished Capitol on March 4, 1861, six weeks after the seventh state had seceded and the Confederate States of America had been organized at Montgomery, Lincoln's First Inaugural Address held three positions firmly. First, secession was constitutionally void; the Union was older than the states and could not be unmade by the act of any single state. Second, the federal government would not initiate violence; it would, however, hold federal property and collect federal duties. Third, the question of war or peace would be decided by the Southern states themselves. The address closes with the most quoted lines Lincoln wrote during the secession winter, the appeal to the "better angels of our nature," and bridges directly to the Fort Sumter crisis that broke out five weeks later.
Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861. Avalon Project, Yale Law School Lillian Goldman Law Library. View at the Avalon Project →Secession Timeline
Eleven slave states left the Union between December 20, 1860, and June 8, 1861. Four border slave states stayed with the Union.
Discussion Questions
- (Causation) Account for the chain of events that converted the four-way election of November 1860 into a shooting war by April 1861. Identify the single moment at which a different decision would most plausibly have produced a different outcome, and defend the choice.
- (Comparison) Compare the platform of the Northern Democrats (Douglas, popular sovereignty) with the platform of the Southern Democrats (Breckinridge, federal slave code). On what specific question did the Charleston convention split, and why was that question impossible to compromise on after Dred Scott?
- (Continuity and Change) Contrast the South Carolina Declaration of Causes (December 1860) with the Lost Cause arguments that emerged after 1865 about the war being primarily about states' rights or the tariff. Which interpretation is supported by the contemporary documentary record, and what does the contrast tell you about how memory of the war was reconstructed?
- (Causation) Account for the failure of the Crittenden Compromise. Why did the proposal collapse despite endorsements from former president Tyler and many established political figures, and what does the failure tell you about whether secession could have been averted by additional concessions on slavery?
- (Comparison) Compare the secession decisions of the seven Deep South states (December 1860 to February 1861) with the Upper South decisions made only after Lincoln's call for troops in April 1861. What does the difference in timing tell you about the role of immediate political circumstances rather than long-term economic interests?
Classroom Activities
Four-Corner Debate
Label the corners of the room Lincoln, Douglas, Breckinridge, and Bell. Distribute one platform plank to each student and ask them to walk to the candidate whose platform best matches it. The class then discusses which planks are unambiguous and which could plausibly have come from two parties, focusing on slavery in the territories as the question that defines each platform.
Word Frequency on the Declaration
Distribute the South Carolina Declaration of Causes and ask each student to count occurrences of "slave," "slavery," "slaveholding," "tariff," and "states' rights." Tabulate on the board. The exercise produces a quantitative answer to the perennial question of what the contemporary secessionists themselves said the central cause of secession was.
Map the Vote, Map the Secession
Distribute two blank North American outlines. On the first, students color each state by 1860 winner (Lincoln, Douglas, Breckinridge, Bell); on the second, they shade the seven Deep South seceders, the four Upper South seceders (post-Sumter), the four border slave states, and the free states. The two maps make the difference between political fracture and constitutional rupture geographically explicit.
Crittenden Compromise Mock Senate
Assign roles: Republican senators (Sumner, Wade, Trumbull), Northern Democrats (Douglas), Southern Democrats (Davis, Toombs), Border state senators (Crittenden, Bell). Each delegation negotiates whether to extend the Missouri Compromise line. Students experience why the proposal failed in the chamber: Lincoln's directive to Republican senators not to concede on territorial slavery left no overlapping zone of agreement.
Vocabulary
Standards Alignment
Draft alignment — pending educator review. AP USH codes correspond to the official College Board Course and Exam Description (Effective Fall 2023, Version 1). Statements below are paraphrased in the CountryReports voice; refer to the College Board's published CED for verbatim wording.
Thematic Focus
Historical Thinking Skill and Reasoning Process
Learning Objective
Key Concept
AP Practice Questions
- (A) Lincoln won a commanding electoral majority by sweeping the free states with a platform that opposed any extension of slavery into the federal territories, demonstrating that a purely Northern coalition could now control the federal government without any Southern support.
- (B) Lincoln promised in his Cooper Union Address to use federal authority to abolish slavery in every state where it already existed, leaving the slave states no constitutional alternative to secession.
- (C) The four-way race produced a contested electoral count that the House of Representatives resolved in favor of Lincoln, prompting the South to reject the result on procedural grounds.
- (D) The Crittenden Compromise was adopted by the Senate in late December 1860 and ratified by every Southern state, after which secession was a unilateral repudiation of an established settlement.
- (E) The Constitutional Union Party endorsed Breckinridge's federal slave code platform after the election, denying Lincoln a majority in the Electoral College.
Correct: (A). Lincoln carried every free state except half of New Jersey and received 180 of 303 electoral votes despite winning only 39.8 percent of the popular vote, because the population and electoral weight of the free states was now enough by itself to elect a president on a platform that opposed slavery's extension (KC-5.2.II.D; LO 5.H; Skill 4.B). The South Carolina Declaration of Causes cited that fact directly: a "geographical line" had been drawn, the states north of it had united on a candidate hostile to slavery, and the federal government would no longer protect the institution. Choice (B) misstates the Republican platform, which explicitly disclaimed any intent to interfere with slavery in existing states. Choice (C) misstates the constitutional procedure. Choice (D) misstates the fate of the Crittenden Compromise, which was rejected. Choice (E) misstates the Constitutional Union platform.
- Identify ONE specific way the four-candidate structure of the 1860 election reflected the breakdown of the Second Party System.
- Explain ONE specific reason the seven Deep South states seceded between December 1860 and February 1861 rather than remaining inside the federal system to await Lincoln's actual policy decisions.
- Explain ONE specific reason four slave states (Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri) chose to remain in the Union even after the attack on Fort Sumter.
Scoring: 1 point for each part. Strong responses to part (a) might cite the Charleston convention split between Northern and Southern Democrats over a federal slave code, or the Constitutional Union Party as a residual home for Whigs and Know-Nothings whose former parties had collapsed (KC-5.2.II.C). Part (b) responses might cite the South Carolina Declaration of Causes' invocation of an antislavery federal government as an existential threat to slaveholding, the prospect that the federal government would no longer enforce the Fugitive Slave Act, or the calculation that secession would be politically simpler before Lincoln took office (KC-5.2.II.D). Part (c) responses might cite a smaller enslaved population as a share of total population, deeper economic ties to the free-state economy, substantial Unionist political constituencies, or active federal pressure such as the suspension of habeas corpus in Maryland.
The full seven-document set for this DBQ lives in the Unit 5 practice exam packet (Document A: Lincoln, Cooper Union Address, February 27, 1860; Document B: 1860 Republican Party platform, May 1860; Document C: Election of 1860 results map; Document D: South Carolina Declaration of Causes, December 24, 1860; Document E: Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861; Document F: Stephens, Cornerstone Speech, March 21, 1861; Document G: Confederate Constitution, March 11, 1861).
Scoring framework: 1 point thesis, 1 point contextualization, up to 4 points evidence (at least 3 documents used to support the argument, plus an outside-evidence point), 1 point sourcing (point of view, purpose, situation, audience for at least three documents), 1 point complexity. Maximum 7 points.
Scoring framework: 1 point thesis, 1 point contextualization, 2 points evidence (at least two pieces of specific historical evidence, one of which directly supports the argument), 1 point analysis using the Causation reasoning process, 1 point complexity. Maximum 6 points.

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