Learning Objectives
By the end of this lesson, students will be able to:
- Practice all three Comparison sub-skills: describe similarities and differences across historical developments (1.i), account for the meaning of those similarities and differences (1.ii), and weigh which carry the greater historical significance (1.iii).
- Compare the United States as it conceived its global role in 1898 and again in 1945, accounting for the transition from a continental republic with overseas colonies to a global hegemon at the onset of a bipolar Cold War order.
- Compare Progressive Era reform with New Deal reform, identifying continuities of federal regulatory expansion and differences in scope, beneficiaries, and underlying political philosophy.
- Compare the First World War home front with the Second World War home front along four dimensions: civil liberties, racial dynamics, the role of women, and the scale of federal mobilization.
- Compare the prosperity of the 1920s with the Great Depression of the 1930s, accounting for shifts in economic philosophy, the realignment of political coalitions, and the cultural mood of the country.
- Compare pre-1917 isolation with post-1941 globalism, accounting for how internal politics shaped foreign policy posture across the period.
Key Concepts
Comparison is one of the four reasoning processes the AP US History CED uses to organize the course, alongside Causation, Continuity and Change, and Contextualization. The Comparison process is built from three sub-skills (1.i, 1.ii, 1.iii) that move from description to explanation to evaluation. Sub-skill 1.i asks the historian to describe similarities and differences across developments. Sub-skill 1.ii asks the historian to account for what makes those similarities or differences meaningful, rather than coincidental. Sub-skill 1.iii asks the historian to weigh which carries the greater historical weight when both similarity and difference are present. The synthesis topic that closes each AP USH unit invites students to practice all three sub-skills across the period they have just completed (KC-7.1, KC-7.2, KC-7.3).
The first natural axis is the comparison of the imperial moment of 1898 against the Cold War onset of 1945. In 1898 the United States, a continental republic of seventy-six million people, defeated Spain in a four-month war and acquired Puerto Rico, Guam, the Philippines, and effective control of Cuba. The country joined the small club of European-style colonial powers, debated annexation through the Anti-Imperialist League and the Treaty of Paris ratification fight, and operated a navy ranked sixth in the world. By 1945 the United States had defeated Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan on opposite oceans, occupied much of central Europe and the Japanese home islands, controlled roughly half of global manufacturing output, fielded the only atomic arsenal on the planet, and had taken the lead role in chartering the United Nations at San Francisco and the Bretton Woods financial order at Mount Washington. The continuities are real (a republic that conceived itself as exceptional, a country whose reach was being tested against the limits of older European empires) but the differences carry the heavier weight: the 1898 moment was an imperial debut on the European model, while the 1945 moment was the founding act of the postwar international system the United States would lead for the next half century (KC-7.3.III, LO 7.O).
A second productive axis compares Progressive Era reform with New Deal reform. The continuities are striking. Both reform waves expanded federal regulatory authority over corporations, the financial system, and working conditions. Both rested on a coalition of urban professionals, organized labor, and reform-minded politicians. Both responded to perceived failures of nineteenth-century laissez-faire and to severe economic dislocations (the Panic of 1893 in the Progressive case, the Great Depression in the New Deal case). The Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906, the Federal Reserve Act of 1913, the Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914, and the Clayton Antitrust Act all anticipated the federal regulatory architecture that the National Industrial Recovery Act, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Wagner Act, and the Fair Labor Standards Act would extend in the 1930s. The breaks are larger. Progressive reform was incremental, rested on muckraking journalism and middle-class moral confidence, and largely excluded African Americans from its benefits (Woodrow Wilson resegregated the federal civil service in 1913). New Deal reform operated under the political pressure of mass unemployment, was centered on direct federal intervention in the economy through agencies such as the Tennessee Valley Authority, the Civilian Conservation Corps, and the Works Progress Administration, made organized labor a junior coalition partner through the Wagner Act, and laid the foundations of the modern American welfare state through Social Security in 1935. Progressive reform regulated the market; New Deal reform restructured it (KC-7.2.II, KC-7.3.II).
A third axis compares the First World War home front with the Second World War home front. Both home fronts mobilized the federal government on a scale unprecedented at the time, expanded the role of women in the paid labor force, and produced significant racial dynamics through internal migration. The First World War home front, which lasted nineteen months for the United States after the declaration of war in April 1917, produced sharp restrictions on civil liberties through the Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918, the Committee on Public Information that managed wartime propaganda, the Palmer Raids of 1919 and 1920 that swept up suspected radicals, and the first wave of the Great Migration that drew roughly 500,000 African Americans from the rural South to Northern industrial cities. The Second World War home front, which lasted forty-four months between Pearl Harbor and Japanese surrender, mobilized roughly twelve million Americans into uniform and another twenty million women into the paid labor force, ended the Great Depression through deficit-financed federal spending that grew the national debt from forty billion to two hundred and sixty billion dollars, produced the unprecedented incarceration of roughly 120,000 Japanese Americans under Executive Order 9066, and began a hesitant federal challenge to racial discrimination through the Fair Employment Practice Committee created by Executive Order 8802. The continuities of mobilization are real; the differences in scale, duration, and racial outcome are larger (KC-7.3.II.B, KC-7.3.III.E).
A fourth axis compares the prosperity of the 1920s with the depression of the 1930s. The contrasts are familiar. The 1920s produced consumer capitalism on a mass scale: the assembly line, the automobile, electric appliances, commercial radio, Hollywood, professional sports, and the credit installment plan. Real wages rose; stock prices on the New York Stock Exchange roughly tripled between 1923 and the September 1929 peak; gross national product climbed by about 40 percent across the decade. The Republican Party held the White House through three successive administrations on a platform of low taxes, high tariffs, and limited federal regulation. The 1930s produced the deepest contraction in the country's economic history. Gross national product fell by roughly 30 percent between 1929 and 1933; unemployment reached roughly 25 percent at the trough; nine thousand banks failed; one in four farms changed hands through foreclosure or distress sale. The Democratic Party assembled the New Deal coalition (urban ethnics, organized labor, African Americans north of the Mason-Dixon Line, white Southerners, and reform-minded intellectuals) that would dominate national politics until 1968. The cultural mood shifted from the optimism of Bruce Barton's The Man Nobody Knows to the documentary realism of Let Us Now Praise Famous Men. The continuities (the same mass-production technology, the same urban-majority population, the same expanding federal apparatus) are real, but the political and cultural break carries the greater weight (KC-7.2.II, KC-7.3.II.A).
A fifth and final axis compares pre-1917 isolation with post-1941 globalism. In the years between 1890 and 1917 the United States approached Europe as a remote diplomatic counterpart, intervened militarily inside the Western Hemisphere under the Roosevelt Corollary and the Open Door notes for China, and stayed out of the European alliance system. Wilson campaigned for re-election in 1916 on the slogan that he had kept the country out of war; the Senate rejected the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations in 1919 and 1920; the interwar Congress passed the Neutrality Acts of 1935, 1936, 1937, and 1939 in an effort to insulate the country from another European war. By the end of 1945 the United States had reversed every one of those positions. It belonged to a permanent global alliance system, garrisoned military bases on every habitable continent, chartered and seated itself on the Security Council of the United Nations, anchored the Bretton Woods financial system, and accepted the responsibility for occupying Germany and Japan. The internal politics that produced this shift run through the period: the Progressive arguments about the country's responsibilities, the wartime expansion of federal capacity in 1917 and 1918 and again from 1941 to 1945, the realignment of the New Deal coalition that backed an internationalist foreign policy by 1944, and the Pearl Harbor attack that ended the Neutrality Acts overnight. Internal politics shaped foreign policy posture, and the change between the two endpoints is the largest single transformation Period 7 records (KC-7.3.III, LO 7.O).
Comparison Axes
Five axes carry Period 7 from one end to the other. Each row gives students the targets for sub-skill 1.i (description) and the prompts for sub-skills 1.ii and 1.iii (account for the meaning, weigh the relative significance).
| Axis | Side A | Side B |
|---|---|---|
| Imperialism (1898) vs Cold War onset (1945)how the United States conceives its global role |
1898. Continental republic of about 76 million. Spanish-American War in four months yields Puerto Rico, Guam, the Philippines, and effective control of Cuba. Anti-Imperialist League and the Treaty of Paris debate split the political class. Navy ranked sixth in the world. Imperial debut on the European model. | 1945. Defeat of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan on opposite oceans. Roughly half of global manufacturing output. Sole atomic arsenal. Founding role at the United Nations charter conference at San Francisco and at the Bretton Woods financial conference. Occupation of Germany and Japan. Founding act of the postwar international system the country will lead. |
| Progressive Era reform vs New Deal reformcontinuity (federal regulatory expansion) · difference (scope, beneficiaries, ideology) |
Progressive Era (ca. 1901-1916). Pure Food and Drug Act, Meat Inspection Act, Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission, Clayton Antitrust Act, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Amendments. Incremental regulation; muckraking and middle-class moral confidence. Largely excluded African Americans (Wilson resegregated the federal civil service in 1913). | New Deal (1933-1939). National Industrial Recovery Act, Tennessee Valley Authority, Civilian Conservation Corps, Securities and Exchange Commission, Wagner Act, Social Security Act, Fair Labor Standards Act. Direct federal intervention in the economy. Organized labor as junior coalition partner. Foundations of the modern American welfare state. Progressive reform regulated the market; New Deal reform restructured it. |
| WWI home front vs WWII home frontcivil liberties · racial dynamics · women's roles · federal scale |
1917-1918 (19 months). Espionage Act, Sedition Act, Committee on Public Information, Palmer Raids. Roughly 500,000 African Americans move from rural South to Northern cities in the first wave of the Great Migration. Women's wartime labor leads to the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. War Industries Board manages the war economy. | 1941-1945 (44 months). Roughly 12 million Americans in uniform; about 20 million women in the paid labor force. Executive Order 9066 incarcerates roughly 120,000 Japanese Americans. Executive Order 8802 and the Fair Employment Practice Committee challenge racial discrimination in defense industries. Federal debt grows from 40 to 260 billion dollars; the deficit-financed mobilization ends the Great Depression. |
| 1920s prosperity vs 1930s Depressioneconomic philosophies · political coalitions · cultural mood |
1920s. Mass-production consumer capitalism: assembly line, automobile, electric appliances, commercial radio, Hollywood, professional sports, installment credit. Real wages rise; stock prices roughly triple between 1923 and the September 1929 peak. Republican White House through three administrations. Low taxes, high tariffs, limited federal regulation. | 1930s. Gross national product down roughly 30 percent (1929-1933). Unemployment about 25 percent at the trough. Nine thousand bank failures; one in four farms changed hands through foreclosure or distress. New Deal coalition assembled (urban ethnics, organized labor, African Americans north of the Mason-Dixon Line, white Southerners, reform-minded intellectuals). Documentary realism replaces 1920s optimism. |
| Pre-1917 isolation vs post-1941 globalismhow internal politics shaped foreign policy posture |
Before 1917. Western Hemisphere intervention under the Roosevelt Corollary; Open Door notes for China. No European alliance system. Wilson re-elected in 1916 on the slogan that he had kept the country out of war. Senate rejects the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations in 1919-1920. Neutrality Acts of 1935, 1936, 1937, 1939 try to insulate the country from another European war. | After 1941. Permanent global alliance system. Military bases on every habitable continent. Founding member of the United Nations and seat on the Security Council. Bretton Woods financial order. Occupation of Germany and Japan. Internal politics (the New Deal coalition and the wartime expansion of federal capacity) carry the new internationalist consensus. Pearl Harbor ends the Neutrality Acts overnight. |
Primary Source Excerpts
A comparison closer works best when its sources sit at different points along Period 7's axes. The five excerpts below mark the imperialism debate of 1898, the high statement of Progressive reform, the high statement of New Deal reform, the executive order that incarcerated Japanese Americans during the Second World War, and the founding charter of the postwar international system the United States led.
Albert J. Beveridge, "The March of the Flag," 1898
"The Philippines are ours forever, territory belonging to the United States, as the Constitution calls them. And just beyond the Philippines are China's illimitable markets. We will not retreat from either. We will not repudiate our duty in the archipelago. We will not abandon our opportunity in the Orient."
Senator Albert Beveridge of Indiana delivered this campaign speech in Indianapolis on September 16, 1898, four months after the United States declared war on Spain and three months before the Treaty of Paris transferred the Philippines to American sovereignty. The speech is a high statement of the imperial argument: an explicit case for territorial annexation that combined evangelical Protestantism, racial hierarchy, and commercial ambition. Read against the United Nations Charter of 1945, the speech captures the starting position of the comparison this lesson asks. The republic that argued in 1898 that overseas colonies were the natural extension of westward expansion is the same republic that, less than fifty years later, would charter a global organization founded on the sovereign equality of member states.
Albert J. Beveridge, "The March of the Flag," campaign address, Indianapolis, September 16, 1898. Library of Congress digital ID: 14005511. View at Library of Congress →Theodore Roosevelt, "The New Nationalism," Osawatomie, Kansas, 1910
"The citizens of the United States must effectively control the mighty commercial forces which they have themselves called into being. There can be no effective control of corporations while their political activity remains. The absence of effective State, and, especially, national, restraint upon unfair money-getting has tended to create a small class of enormously wealthy and economically powerful men whose chief object is to hold and increase their power."
Former president Theodore Roosevelt delivered this speech at the dedication of the John Brown Memorial Park at Osawatomie, Kansas, on August 31, 1910, three years before he ran for the presidency on the Progressive Party ticket. The address is the canonical statement of what Roosevelt called the New Nationalism: a Progressive program of federal regulation of corporations, a graduated income tax, workers' compensation, women's suffrage, and direct primaries. The speech draws an unbroken line of argument from antitrust regulation through the Federal Reserve and the Federal Trade Commission to the New Deal regulatory architecture that Franklin Roosevelt would build a generation later.
Theodore Roosevelt, "The New Nationalism," address at Osawatomie, Kansas, August 31, 1910. Library of Congress digital ID: 14005512. View at Library of Congress →Franklin D. Roosevelt, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1933
"This Nation asks for action, and action now. Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war."
Franklin Roosevelt delivered this address from the East Front of the Capitol on March 4, 1933, the day he was inaugurated as the country's thirty-second president. National unemployment stood at roughly 25 percent. Banks were closed in thirty-two states. The speech declared the recovery from the Depression a national emergency comparable to war and committed the federal government to a far more activist role than any peacetime administration had previously contemplated. Read against the Theodore Roosevelt Osawatomie speech, the address marks the continuity of the Progressive reform argument and the break with its incrementalism: where the New Nationalism had asked for federal regulation of corporations, the New Deal would ask for federal employment of workers and federal restructuring of capital markets.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, First Inaugural Address, Washington, D.C., March 4, 1933. National Archives identifier: 197333. View at the National Archives →Executive Order 9066, February 19, 1942
"I hereby authorize and direct the Secretary of War, and the Military Commanders whom he may from time to time designate, whenever he or any designated Commander deems such action necessary or desirable, to prescribe military areas in such places and of such extent as he or the appropriate Military Commander may determine, from which any or all persons may be excluded."
Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066 on February 19, 1942, ten weeks after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. The order authorized the secretary of war to designate military areas from which any persons could be excluded; in practice it produced the forced removal and incarceration of roughly 120,000 Japanese Americans, two thirds of them American citizens by birth, in ten War Relocation Authority camps across the interior West. The order is the most consequential single departure from the Bill of Rights in twentieth-century American history. Read against the Espionage and Sedition Acts of 1917 and 1918, it captures the central comparison this lesson asks about the two home fronts. Wartime mobilization in both conflicts produced sharp restrictions on civil liberties; the racial logic of the 1942 incarceration produced a categorical injury that the First World War home front had not.
Executive Order 9066, "Authorizing the Secretary of War to Prescribe Military Areas," February 19, 1942. National Archives identifier: 5730250. View at the National Archives →Charter of the United Nations, San Francisco, June 26, 1945
"We the peoples of the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, have resolved to combine our efforts to accomplish these aims."
Fifty governments signed the United Nations Charter at the War Memorial Opera House in San Francisco on June 26, 1945, six weeks after the surrender of Nazi Germany and seven weeks before the surrender of Imperial Japan. The United States Senate ratified the charter by a vote of 89 to 2 on July 28, 1945, a near-reversal of the 1919 vote that had rejected the League of Nations. The charter founded the postwar international order that the United States would lead for the next half century. Read against the Beveridge "March of the Flag" speech of 1898, the document marks the closing terminus of Period 7's foreign-policy arc. The republic that had argued in 1898 for territorial empire on the European model was, less than fifty years later, the principal architect of an organization founded on the sovereign equality of member states.
Charter of the United Nations, signed at San Francisco, June 26, 1945. National Archives identifier: 1656393. View at the National Archives →Discussion Questions
- (Comparison 1.i) Describe two differences and two continuities between the United States in 1898 and the United States in 1945. Use the comparison axes table to keep claims about military scale, economic position, and conception of global role distinct.
- (Comparison 1.ii) Both Progressive Era reform and New Deal reform expanded federal regulatory authority over corporations and the financial system. Account for what makes that continuity meaningful, and account for what genuinely broke between 1916 and 1933 in the scope, the beneficiaries, and the underlying political philosophy of the two reform waves.
- (Comparison 1.iii) The First World War home front and the Second World War home front both produced civil-liberties restrictions, internal migration, and an expanded role for women in the paid labor force. Weigh which carries more historical significance: the structural similarity (federal mobilization on each home front) or the difference in scale, duration, and racial outcome between the two.
- (Comparison 1.ii) Compare the political coalitions of the 1920s with the political coalitions of the 1930s. Account for what makes the New Deal coalition durable enough to dominate national politics until 1968, and identify which Period 7 institutions did the work of holding the coalition together.
- (Comparison 1.iii) Some historians describe the United States' shift from pre-1917 isolation to post-1941 globalism as a single half-century arc; others describe it as a sequence of three distinct moments (1898, 1917, 1941). Weigh the evidence on both framings. Which is more historically defensible, and which Period 7 evidence carries the most weight in your judgment?
Classroom Activities
Five Axes Stand-Up
Print the five comparison axes from the table on five large sheets and post them around the room. Students rotate in pairs, spending two and a half minutes at each station, writing one similarity and one difference per axis on a sticky note. The class then debriefs which axis produced the richest comparison and why.
Two Roosevelts and a Reform Arc
Pair the Theodore Roosevelt Osawatomie excerpt with the Franklin Roosevelt First Inaugural excerpt. In small groups, students identify three lines of continuity in language and political vision and one significant break, then defend a claim about whether the New Deal is best read as the fulfillment of the Progressive project or as a new departure. Each team must use sub-skill 1.ii (account for the meaning) rather than just description.
Two Home Fronts Side by Side
Working in pairs, students fill a four-column graphic organizer comparing the First and Second World War home fronts on civil liberties, racial dynamics, the role of women, and the scale of federal mobilization. Pairs finish with a one-sentence claim about which dimension changed the most between 1918 and 1945, drawing directly on Executive Order 9066 and the Espionage and Sedition Acts.
The Foreign Policy Arc
Distribute a blank horizontal timeline labeled 1890 on the left and 1945 on the right. Students plot ten foreign policy moments (the closing of the frontier, the Spanish-American War, the Roosevelt Corollary, the Open Door notes, Wilson's neutrality, the declaration of war in 1917, the rejection of the League of Nations, the Neutrality Acts, Pearl Harbor, the United Nations Charter) and shade the height of each plot point by the country's degree of international engagement. The exercise makes the pre-1917 isolation, the interwar retreat, and the post-1941 globalism visible at a glance.
Vocabulary
Standards Alignment
Draft alignment — pending educator review. AP USH codes correspond to the official College Board Course and Exam Description (Effective Fall 2023, Version 1). Statements below are paraphrased in the CountryReports voice; refer to the College Board's published CED for verbatim wording.
Themes
Historical Thinking Skill and Reasoning Process
Learning Objective
Key Concepts (Unit 7 Synthesis)
AP Practice Questions
- (A) Both reform waves rested on the same coalition of organized labor, urban professionals, and African American voters and pursued the same set of legislative goals.
- (B) Progressive reform regulated the market at the margins through commissions and antitrust statutes, while New Deal reform restructured it through direct federal intervention, public employment, and the foundations of the welfare state.
- (C) New Deal reform repudiated the Progressive Era's federal regulatory architecture and returned the country to the laissez-faire arrangements of the 1890s.
- (D) Both reform waves were contained inside a single decade and operated under the same political coalition.
- (E) The Supreme Court approved every major Progressive Era statute and rejected every major New Deal statute, halting federal regulatory expansion at the end of the 1930s.
Correct: (B). The Progressive Era between roughly 1901 and 1916 produced the Pure Food and Drug Act, the Federal Reserve Act, the Federal Trade Commission, and the Clayton Antitrust Act, all of which regulated corporate behavior at the margins of an otherwise laissez-faire economy. The New Deal between 1933 and 1939 produced the National Industrial Recovery Act, the Tennessee Valley Authority, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Wagner Act, the Social Security Act, and the Fair Labor Standards Act, which together constituted direct federal restructuring of capital markets, labor relations, agricultural production, and old-age and unemployment insurance (KC-7.1.II, KC-7.1.III). Sub-skill 1.iii asks the historian to weigh the relative significance of similarity (federal regulatory expansion in both waves) against difference (scope, beneficiaries, and ideology), and the difference carries the heavier weight (LO 7.O; Skill 6.D).
- Identify ONE specific similarity between the First World War home front (1917-1918) and the Second World War home front (1941-1945).
- Account for ONE specific difference between the imperial moment of 1898 and the postwar international order founded in 1945 in how the United States conceived its global role.
- Account for ONE specific way the New Deal coalition of the 1930s differed from the Progressive coalition of the 1900s and 1910s in its political composition or its policy goals.
Scoring: 1 point for each part. Strong responses to part (a) name specific continuities such as expanded federal mobilization (the War Industries Board in 1917-1918 and the War Production Board in 1941-1945), expanded role of women in the paid labor force, civil-liberties restrictions (the Espionage Act in 1917 and Executive Order 9066 in 1942), or African American internal migration to Northern industrial cities. Part (b) responses might cite the territorial annexation of overseas colonies in 1898 against the founding of a global organization on the principle of sovereign equality of member states in 1945 (KC-7.3.I, KC-7.3.III). Part (c) responses might cite the inclusion of organized labor as a junior coalition partner under the Wagner Act of 1935 and the inclusion of African Americans north of the Mason-Dixon Line in the Democratic coalition by 1936, both departures from a Progressive coalition that was largely middle-class and largely white (KC-7.1.III; LO 7.O; Skill 6.D; Sub-skills 1.i, 1.ii).
The full seven-document set for this DBQ lives in the Unit 7 practice exam packet (Document A: Albert Beveridge, "The March of the Flag," 1898; Document B: Anti-Imperialist League platform, 1899; Document C: Theodore Roosevelt, Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, 1904; Document D: Woodrow Wilson, war message to Congress, April 1917; Document E: Senate vote on the Treaty of Versailles, 1919; Document F: Franklin Roosevelt, "Four Freedoms" address, January 1941; Document G: United Nations Charter, San Francisco, June 1945).
Scoring framework: 1 point thesis, 1 point contextualization, up to 4 points evidence (at least 3 documents used to support the argument, plus an outside-evidence point), 1 point sourcing (point of view, purpose, situation, audience for at least three documents), 1 point complexity. Maximum 7 points.
Scoring framework: 1 point thesis, 1 point contextualization, 2 points evidence (at least two pieces of specific historical evidence, one of which directly supports the argument), 1 point analysis using the Comparison reasoning process (description plus accounting plus weighing), 1 point complexity. Maximum 6 points. Strong responses use sub-skill 1.iii to do more than list similarities and differences, defending a claim about which carry the greater historical weight.

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